Wednesday, November 30, 2011

Video Project for Makeup and Anthropology

So I had originally planned something larger-scale. I had hoped to interview many women of different demographics to pull together a well-rounded video about makeup use, and why women put on makeup.
Somehow, scheduling just never lined up with a lot of my international interviewees, and I had a few local people drop out of the interview line-up.

I ended up interviewing 3 of my coworkers; Georgi, Anna, and Elizabeth. I also interviewed my roommate, Lindsay, and a high school friends living in Maine named Lisa.

I originally started out using Photobooth for Mac to interview people, but I began to discover that it stopped recording interviews halfway through the process, which is why I have practically no footage of Anna or Lindsay towards the end.

This was my first video editing project, so it is a bit rough around the edges in terms of quality. I also discovered the video quality drops immensely when you export it in .m4a format, turning it into a pixel mess. I also noticed the title screen for "What is unappealing about makeup?" reverted to it's original format that says 'title screen' I'll have to fix that and reformat the video.



I didn't intend for the film to have a specific thesis, simply for it to be exploratory of why a few women my age either find it to be necessary or unnecessary to wear makeup. I simply wanted to know their thoughts on why certain makeup influences were there, what they liked or disliked about makeup, and if they think it's an important element to a woman's life.

Tuesday, November 15, 2011

Jessica Simpson's'The Price of Beauty': Paris, France



For the second episode, Jessica and her traveling companions went to Paris. After they landed they met at a cafe with their beauty guide, who is a French model named Rosemary Bartilla. She began her career in fashion at 13, and explained that the modeling contracts are very strict in France. The models have a max weight of 115lbs, and are measured everyday. During this conversation, the waiter was bringing out quiches, salads, and croissants, and Rosemary pointed out a model would never be allowed to eat any of it but small bits of salad. Then Jessica asked Rosemary what makes French women beautiful, and she responded by saying that a woman's joie de vivre, or joy of life is what makes her beautiful.



Jessica, Ken, and CaCee continued their tradition of going to a spa, but this time they went to a wine spa. They underwent massages where they were rolled out like dough, with a wooden roller made from the same wood a wine barrel comes from. They were massaged with grape-seed/wine scrub, and actual grapes, while Kevin floated in a bath of wine infused water. The French spa employees explained each health benefits of the treatments, and how wine is actually quite healthy.

Afterward they met with an ex-model named Isabelle Caro, who is famous for the anti-anorexia ads that were posted in Milan during fashion week. Through a translator, Isabelle explained to Jessica, CaCee, and Ken that she developed a fear of eating because of the pressure to stay skinny as a model. Her doctors proclaimed she would pass away from the disorder, but she survived. While receiving treatment, she is relearning how to eat, and she began an organization to bring awareness to eating disorders.


Jessica was invited to walk the runway for a show by a French designer. Upon arriving at the venue, she's looked up and down by the art director Alexandra Senes, who makes a point of belittling her from the get go. Jessica is giving a crash course in walking for the runway, then is sewn into a dress and has to walk down the runway during the show. She talked about how intimidating it was to be a bigger American amongst all the skinny French models backstage, and how she didn't belong there.


The next day they were photographed at a shoot near the Eiffel tower, where they meet Johanna Dray, France's first plus-sized model. Breaking into a snobbish industry, in Paris of all places, is an amazing feat, and before the episode closes they discuss with all the models on set what they think makes women beautiful.


They all respond that your 'love of life' is what makes you beautiful.

Jessica Simpson's'The Price of Beauty': Thailand



A friend recommend watching this 8-part series to get a better understanding on beauty and makeup in other cultures.

In the introduction of the first episode, Jessica Simpson explains that the purpose for her journey is to find out what each culture's definition of beauty is, and why it's so important for women to reach for these ideals. While acting as the host and the guide for the show, she confesses that her intent of the journey is mostly catharsis for the pressure she feels to be beautiful.

The first episode was about Thailand. Jessica travels with her two friends Ken (her stylist, makeup artist, and hairdresser) and CaCee, and when they land they get a Thai massage. While you are a little bit disappointed they show up at a spa first thing, they explain that the massage is actually quite vigorous and was recommended to them by Thai women because it improves circulation.

Their beauty ambassador to Thailand was model and television personality Sonia Couling. She takes them to a Thai marketplace where she shows them clothes Thai women wear, types of jewelry that are common, and they stop at a fortune teller's booth to have fortunes told (because apparently it's popular with women).

They go to a Thai delicatessen stall, where they are shown a variety of fried insects such as fried worms, crickets and cockroaches. While Jessica and her friends are busy freaking out, a pop up on the screen explains insects are high in amino acids which help with skin, nails, and hair. Sonia Couling also explains that consuming them helps you burn fat and detox. Despite the promise of speeding up the metabolism, Jessica begins dry heaving at the stall.
All three of them grab a fried insect (looked like a grub) and try to chew and swallow. They all begin dry heaving and make a huge scene while Thai citizens walk by staring at them.

They finally move on to beauty products, and Sonia takes them to a cosmetic stall where she begins by saying Thai women want to be fair as possible. Amongst the blush, and eye pencils are whitening creams, and Sonia informs them that being tan is considered low-class in Thailand and that the paler Thai people are associated with money.
A reoccurring theme I've noticed in my reading popped up again in this show, when Sonia said that the tan people are associated with working in the sun, which seems to be the basis of judgement on class in many other cultures.
Even the foundations being sold at the stall have whiteners in them, therefore are dangerous to use over time. Sonia announces they are to meet a friend of hers in the cafe nearby who had her skin destroyed by skin whiteners. The woman they are introduced to, Panya, was a singer in a nightclub who had wanted to whiten her face, and by using a product recommended by a friend, the darker layers of skin began to peel off and reveal a lighter shade. Eventually the sun exposure caused burns on her face, and she had huge bleach marks on her face with discolored spots of darker areas. Panya no longer sang as she was scared to go out in public, and her husband left her after the damage was done. Cosmetic production and ingredients are not overseen or regulated in Thailand.

By the end everyone is in tears, and Jessica stoops down to give her an awkward hug, telling her to keep singing despite the discoloration on her face.

Afterward, Jessica, CaCee, and Ken climb into a tuk-tuk (a tiny mini cab in Thailand) and head to a Buddhist monastery. Because most of Thailand is Buddhist, they wanted to know how their religion views beauty and inner beauty. The monk said inner beauty comes from meditation, and during a 40 minute meditation process, Jessica begins to fidget and giggle.

They leave Bangkok for the Chaing Rai Provence of Thailand, to visit a tribe called the Karen (Kariang). The women wear stacks of gold rings around their necks that stretch and elongate the neck. A similar practice is also done with the Padaung women of Burma. The elongated neck is a symbol of wealth and beauty, and betters a woman's prospects of finding a husband.

Putting on the rings is voluntary, and women may put rings on as young as 6 years old or never put on rings at all. The rings can weigh as much as twenty pounds and it can crush down on the shoulders and ribs.
They stay for an evening celebration of a 6 year old girl, named Chum Chum, who has asked her mother to put the rings on her. The little girl sits patiently as these long gold rings become smaller and interlock on her neck. After she is finished, their beauty ambassador offers to make up Jessica and CaCee in the same traditional garb.

They put on necklaces with a front of faux-rings that simply ties in the back, but they can still feel the weight on the front. They even put them on Ken, even though they don't traditional garb men in this way, so all the village women laugh as he's adorned with a necklace of fake rings and headdress.
The women of the village sit and play traditional music on small guitars as everyone eats a freshly slaughtered and barbequed pig, with traditional sides like frogs.
They leave the feast and say goodbye to the villagers with an immense sense of respect for Thailand's culture and sense of tradition.

The video can be watched here:
http://www.vh1.com/video/jessica-simpsons-the-price-of-beauty/full-episodes/thailand/1633795/playlist.jhtml

Sunday, November 6, 2011

Self-awareness in public and the use of makeup

Lynn Carol Miller from Northern Illinois University and Cathryn Leigh Cox from the University of Texas at Austin completed a study they titled; "For Appearances Sake: Public Self-Consciousness and Makeup Use".

Their study looked at how women perceived themselves in public, and the connection with women using makeup. The purpose of the study wasn't to look at if women who wore makeup were perceived as more attractive, but how women assumed they looked to the public, and in turn how it affected them as individuals.

They interviewed undergraduate women, and gave them tests on their public self-consciousness, and accumulating data to see who was more aware of themselves in public and who wasn't. They also photographed a Polaroid of each woman, to show to a control group of women outside the group taking the text.

What they determined is that the women who were more conscious of their appearance in public, tended to put on more makeup. Additionally, the outside group rated the photographs of women, rating them for the self confidence they perceived them to have.
More importantly, they asked the women in the study to rate how they felt themselves when they were wearing makeup.

The last measure was a self-report of attitudes and feelings about makeup. It consisted on seven items: (1) I feel that makeup enhances my appearance. (2) I am more self-confident when I wear makeup. (3) I am more outgoing when I wear makeup. (4) People react more positively to me when I wear makeup. (5) Men pay more attention to me when I wear makeup. (6) I flirt more when I'm wearing makeup. (7) I feel my interactions with others go more smoothly when I'm wearing makeup. (Cox and Miller, 6)

The women who rated the photographs tended to determine the women with certain amounts of makeup as having more confidence than the women who did not wear makeup. Additionally, the individuals who completed the study gave information that the makeup-wearing women felt their social interactions were improved while wearing cosmetics.

This seemed to be a combination of a few factors;

-People tend to be attracted more to people with higher self-confidence.
-The women who liked to wear makeup felt that they had improved their general appearance through the use of cosmetics.
- The women who were aware of how others would perceive them, felt it was important to look and feel good about themselves.

The photographs of the women ended up informing others with an idea of how the subjects viewed themselves.

I understand this concept, as I've been reading a lot about women in the workplace and the pressures to be wearing makeup. I also understand it personally, as I've had people treat me differently outside the home when I do not wear makeup.

What I've concluded is, is that cosmetics have always been used for this purpose. Whether it was herbal face creams and perfumed waters, or a tube of lipstick, throughout history people have been trying to improve their appearances to 1) make them feel better about their appearance, and 2) have others regard them and respect them.

Do I think we have grown more accustomed to seeing people with more makeup over time? Yes, I believe that's inevitable since the industry and media has grown exponentially, and our society reflects that.

What I do think has been around since the beginning of time, is how people judge a book by it's cover. I think humans need to identify things/places/people in their brain upon seeing them, therefore I think we've always taken each others appearance to heart. Maybe that's why we've all been trying to 'improve' ourselves over time?

Works used:
Cox, Cathryn Lee, and Lynn Carol Miller. "For Appearances Sake: Public Self-Consciousness and Makeup Use."
Pers Soc Psychol Bull 1982 8: 748
DOI: 10.1177/0146167282084023
http://psp.sagepub.com/content/8/4/748

Wednesday, November 2, 2011

Middle class Japanese women and the use of pale foundation

In 'Urban Middle-Class Japanese Women and Their White Faces: Gender, Ideology, and Representation' by Mikiko Ashikari, I have been reading about how middle-class Japanese housewives and working women cover their face in paler shades of foundation when they leave the house.

The author conducted several interviews with these women, and a smaller selection of men to gain perspective on why it is customary to wear pale foundation when outside the house.

There was a spectrum of women interviewed in the middle class. Most of them were homemakers who were married to a 'salary man', a white collar worker. However, some of the women were single mothers, housewives employed at part time jobs, others were office workers. The author made a point of addressing that each woman had their own unique sense of style and personal identity, but each felt it was their social role to put on foundation before appearing outside the house. 'Gender Ideology' comes up a lot in the article, and how there's an expectation for women to embody the cultural definition of femininity, and men to embody the Japanese perception of masculinity.

Where did the white face makeup come from? Prior to 1868, men and women of nobility would powder their faces white to signify social standing. Once Western culture began to have a sway on Japan, men were encouraged by the government to cut off their top-knot hairstyle, adopt western haircuts/clothing, and no longer powder their faces. Because the men were responsible for learning about Western culture and adapting it, Japanese women were banned from wearing short hairstyles, and were pressured to maintain the culture of dress and manners that belonged to Japan.



What was once a look for nobility (specifically the women who belonged to the caste of the Samurai), was now applied to women of all social spectrum's.
Compulsory education was introduced, and at school. girls of all classes were educated to believe that the feminine virtues of middle-class women were among the most important qualifications for a good Japanese national. (Ashikari, 9 )

From 1912-1926, varieties of Western fashion became available to the middle-class, as a result the kimono, which was iconic of middle-class women, now came to represent Japanese culture as a whole. The traditional hairstyles and white makeup only appeared during special occasions, and Western makeup application gradually became more common, thus use of translucent white powders instead of the lead based white powder that was traditionally used. The lines between the classes also blurred when middle-class women began to join the workforce, but the need to distinguish between the "good wives and wise mothers" and the working girls remained.

The Western styles of makeup using fasle eyelashes, eyeliner and eyeshadow, were fine for girls working in bars, as hostesses, and show business professions. However, it was not considered appropriate for the middle class woman.
There was a certain style of makeup that made all women look like katei-fujin, proper housewives. [...] This everyday white face, which was separated form the traditional white face, came to serve as a symbol of the traditional ideal feminine virtues in everyday life, as the traditional face did on the special formal occasions in women's lives. (Ashikari, 11)
Coming of age ceremonies, weddings, and other special occasions were appropriate for the completely white face of the Meiji era. Skin-tone shades of foundation grew in popularity after WWII, but the concept of the pale face representing the gentler sex in Japanese society remained the same.



Ashikari used research on Western women's makeup habits, resulting in a general consensus that Western women used makeup for self satisfaction by improving their looks, and to impress or fit in with their peers. On the contrary, Japanese women continue to use foundation because it is considered 'right' or 'normal'. Unlike Western women, Japanese women do not buy and apply as much lipstick and eye makeup, yet foundation is essential. "For most mature middle-class Japanese women, 'making up' actually means putting on foundation (Ashikari, 12)"

The Japanese foundations come in multiple undertones, and coupled with certain skin tones they'll wipe out the coloring of the face. The paled face of a woman has become ingrained in Japanese culture as symbolism for feminine virtue, to the point where it feels abnormal to some of the women to leave the house without foundation on. A few of the working women in the study confessed they were approached by male superiors at work and were berated for not wearing make up.
It's considered rude by Japanese standards for mature women to go out in public without being made up, because it rejects traditional values of femininity in their culture. Only outlandish or eccentric women go without makeup, and those who conform to the traditions are being 'polite' to everyone they meet outside their house.



On the other hand, if a woman presents a "feminine" made-up white face, this means she is being polite and respectful toward the people she meets, especially the men. Presenting the white face is to represent certain gender relations that middle-class women are expected to and willing to play their part in. (Ashikari, 13)

The Japanese words for inside/home "uchi", and going out/outside "soto", are reoccurring in the article. Many women do not wear makeup at home, and its not apart of the housewife's gender requirements to wear it while at home. The expressions "uchi" and "soto" are often coupled with referring to gender roles. Women who work with their husbands on farm or running a business have equal responsibility of pulling in income, however, those who are married to 'salary men' have the luxury of running the home and relying on their husband's income. The dependency of their gender is considered more feminine, and the pale complexion expresses this feminine virtuosity.

There are negative connotations to the housewife image, though. 'Shufu' is a term that directly translates at 'housewife' in English, but has a connotation of laziness. While men are working hard out in the world for a company, the media often depicts housewives as lazy whose form of employment is an undeserved luxury. In fact, there is a pattern women are expected to follow; to go to university, to get a job in an office as a worker, meet a man and get married thus becoming a housewife.
The women are often not given credit for their accomplishments in their education, their work ethic while employed, or the time and difficulties it's taken to achieve their status as a middle-class house wife. Women are often interpreted as incapable or incompetent by Japanese males, and women who have careers (and not husbands) are undesirable for marriage. These stereotypes are continually perpetuated by the media, by women, and men.

Top executives very likely only know women as their wives or those who wait upon them including women staff members. Women as equal work partners is a concept beyond their familiar world. A Japan Labor Institute survey of men conducted in 1991 revealed that the most common view of women colleagues is as "considerate supporters." The same survey showed that only 26% of men regard women as "able partners." An amazing 15% said they have no particular impression of women whatsoever. (Iwao, 1)



When the article was written in the 1990's, it was still unlikely that a woman was able to become a doctor, a lawyer, or a 'salary man' herself without being perceived as having lost her femininity. Discrimination in the workplace continues as women grow older, and it's greatly difficult to women to find employment after their 30's. The whole thing is a catch 22, because men in companies cannot take women seriously in the workplace, knowing they'll quit after they're married. Working women can't take their job seriously, knowing the company will anticipate them quitting in order to get married.

The journal article continues on to say that men need to recognize that women's subordination to men is voluntary, and that having an attractive or visually-pleasing housewife helps the salary's man's social standing and masculinity.

Encountering a woman who isn't wearing makeup makes men uneasy, as if she will instigate a conflict or challenge their social norms. They feel at ease when women put effort into their appearance, because they're upholding their gender roles, thus making society easier to navigate. 'Wild women' are described by the female interviewees as women who have an overt sexuality to their appearance. Tanned skin, large breasts, athletic body, curly hair or long hair, all are elements of a 'wild woman', meanwhile the pale, demure, pure, and inexperienced behaviors of 'cute' women are more in tune with traditional Japanese gender roles of submissive women. Women who tan themselves during the summer will continue to wear paler shades of foundation at the office, because they know that appearing at work with a tan would appear disrespectful. Appearing ambitious or smart in the office is also considered disrespectful towards their male coworkers.

Much of the article was really difficult for me to process, since I have a Western perspective. The closest I could relate it to possibly the experiences of women battling sexism in the workplace after World War II in the US.
In the last article I read, there were many viewpoints on why women chose to wear makeup in public/at work, and why some chose not to. I think the major similarities is that there is a social obligation to be feminine in both cultures, and that it seems to make interactions with male coworkers smoother if the woman is wearing makeup. So gender ideologies are still at play in both cultures.
Maybe the differences is that, the Japanese feel that they're trying to preserve their culture, while America's identity as a country and our sense of values constantly is evolving. I think as the more Westernized, younger generations of Japanese kids grow up, there is a possibility that the strict lines between gender will fade.

Younger Japanese women seem to be very interested in Western beauty and fashion, all the while making it an identity of their own, therefore my prediction is that the whitening of the face with light foundation will grow out of style. I think Japanese women will always appreciate being feminine, but they'll express it in ways less apparent than a pale mask of obedience.

References used:

Mikiko Ashikari
Urban Middle-Class Japanese Women and Their White Faces: Gender, Ideology, and Representation
Ethos
Vol. 31, No. 1 (Mar., 2003), pp. 3-37 Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological Association http://www.jstor.org/stable/3651863

Iwao, Sumiko. "The New Lifestyles of Japanese Women." Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Japan. Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Japan, 09 1996. Web. 3 Nov 2011. http://www.mofa.go.jp/j_info/japan/opinion/iwao.html