Final paper for Makeup and Anthropology study

Lani Barry

Prof. Margaret Souza

Anthropology in Makeup Independent Study

6 December 2011

The Makeup of Chinese Opera

Asian forms of theatre have makeup styles that are by far more elaborate than many classical European theatrical practices. Indian Kathakali, Japanese Kabuki, and Chinese Opera all share traditions of fantastical painted faces for the theatre. Westerners are unaware that there are many styles such as the Beijing Opera style, Shanghai Opera style, Cantonese Opera, and that hundreds of forms branch out from these. Makeup patterns vary for each operatic style. While many people visualize Chinese actors clad in large headdresses with white and pink faces and painted over-pronounced eyebrows, in reality, the variance of colors and patterns in the makeup of Chinese Opera is astounding. In this paper I explore the origins of Chinese Opera makeup, and the diversity of faces that can appear and the character types they are associated with. Additionally, I discuss how the actors apply their makeup and how the traditions carry on today.

Like the theatrical makeup of many cultures present today, the evolution of Chinese Opera makeup was thought to come from tribal practices in the primeval eras, Warring clans of the provinces along the Yangtze River were known to blacken their teeth, paint their faces with dye, and wear animal skins, feathers, and masks. Whether the makeup was intended to scare off demons, predators, enemies, or simply perform rituals during celebrations, these practices from 400 B.C. were thought to influence early theatrical makeup.

During the Tang Dynasty it was the emperor Xuanzong (who ruled from 712 A.D. to 755 A.D.) who created China’s first opera company, which he dubbed the “Pear Garden.” It was also during the Tang Dynasty when plays involved having actors paint their face and wear masks for performances. Many of the makeup designs that survive in Chinese Opera today come from the use of masks in theatrical performances. Painted in intricate designs and carved out of wood, actors kept masks on the face with their mouths by biting down on a hold. However, because the mouth was engaged to keep the mask on, actors who wore them did not sing. Masks were eventually retired, and the practice of face painting was adopted; this allowed actors to freely speak and sing while still maintaining features of their character. Masks are rarely used in performances today unless an actor is playing a particular god, fairy, or ghost whose face cannot be shown.

During the Song Dynasty (960 A.D. to 1279 A.D), historical texts recalled that makeup involving face painting had been set into two facial types. Liu, in The Art of Facial Makeup in Chinese Opera writes, “In the Song Dynasty, two basic categories of "clean-faced" makeup and "colorful-faced" makeup came into being so that image and emotion could be vividly illustrated (Liu 6). “Clean-faced makeup” would have been used for leading male and leading lady roles, which would become shing and dan roles, while “colorful-face” evolved for characters whose emotion was expressed by their facepaint, like jing warrior characters or clown-like chou characters. Types of roles such as the male or jing and the clown characters called chou were defined and regulated during the Ming Dynasty (1368 A.D. to 1644 A.D.) By this time, the jing actors had a variation of the heavily painted face we see today, and the chou had their whimsical face concepts formed. Schools of theatre, such as the Beijing Opera, did not further evolve the theatrical makeup of characters until the closing of the Qing Dynasty (1644 A.D. to 1912 A.D.) Makeup designs were named based on their construction and symbolism, for example, the “quartered face,” the “old man face,” or “three-tile face.” Each design is symbolic of the character’s personality type. Audience members of modern Chinese Opera are able to identify the disposition of each character based on the face.

Western theatrical makeup practices designate role types based on the age, gender, or vocal range of the actor, while Chinese theatre varies its casting practices. Very early Chinese variety theatre of the Yuan Dynasty (1271 A.D. to 1368 A.D.) called Zaju had men and women cast in a variety of roles. Men and Women could cross-dress and play the opposite gender in an opera; this can be seen in a temple mural from Shanxi dated to 1324. James Brandon, in The Cambridge Guide to Asian Theatre explains, “Performers of either sex acted male or female roles. The heading of the 1324 mural informs us that a certain famous actress 'Elegance of Zhongdu performed here', while the main character depicted, the one presumably played by the named female star, is male” (Brandon 29). The mural advertises the arrival of a popular actress and her theatrical troupe, while depicting the instruments used and costumes the actors wore. Cross-dressing is clearly depicted by both men and women in the 1324 mural.

Because of the heavy influence of Confucians teachings in Chinese culture, that men should take care of everything outside the home while women stay concerned with homemaking, the Qianlong Emperor had banned all female performers in Beijing in 1772. Only men and young boys could participate in opera, and only in the last century have women returned to the stage to play roles. Men and women are now able to play a variety of the major role types, and cross-dressing still occurs in Chinese opera today.

There are four main types of characters in Chinese opera, which are divided into other subcategories. The first is sheng, a male character whose face is generally unpainted. The painted face characters are; tan or dan, a young female role, jing, men with elaborate face makeup, and clown characters called chou whose makeup is centralized to the center of the face. Liu describes the remaining subcategories noting, “The four roles are subdivided, based on the characters' age, temperament, and the kind of singing, speech, gesticulation, and martial displays they are called upon to make” (Liu 11). This description suggests the complexity of makeup practices in Chinese opera as well as makeup’s unique ability to visually inform the audience of what may appear minor characteristics.

There are three kinds of sheng characters, and while their faces aren’t as fully painted as other opera characters’, there still is a makeup style to identity a sheng. Lao-Sheng characters are men over thirty who wear facial hair in a variety of blacks and grays to show their age. Their eyebrows are darkened, and light red eye shadow gradients down towards their eyes. Characters that are young, masculine men who perform great feats of martial arts are called Wu-sheng. Their faces are painted paler than the Lao-Sheng characters, and the red eye shadow is much more pronounced. Lastly, Hsao-Sheng characters are effeminate handsome young men who often play charming lovers.

There are four kinds of tan female roles; Hua-tan, Ching-Yi, Wu-Tan, and Lao-Tan. Hua-Tan is often the naïve, tomboyish character with a boisterous personality. Ching-Yi is the proper, virtuous, and polite young female role. Wu-Tan is the militant female role, often a general or warrior (called Dao Ma Tan) with great acrobatic and martial art skill. Lao-Tan is the role of an older woman, who is the female equivalent of the old man Sheng character. Those in Lao-Tan roles wear what is closer to Western stage makeup, with no specific markings other than eyebrows or hair that has been lightened to look gray. All other tan roles wear what is commonly advertised to promote Chinese Opera characters: faces that have been painted or powdered white, with red or pink shadow powdered from the brow bone to the cheeks or chin. The eyebrows are painted black and thick, eyes are also pronounced, and lips are painted crimson red.

Jing or ching characters perhaps wore the most elaborate and exciting patterns of makeup in Chinese Opera. Hundreds of varieties of face paint can be seen, but depending on the school of opera the actor is from, there are regulations on design and color. Min and Peng, in Destiny, the Culture of China – Opera, illuminate the complexity of these varieties in face painting noting:

Facial make-up in Chinese Opera, besides giving information about the personality traits and mindset of a character, also has inherent artistic interest. The designs and colors employed all have specific meanings. […] A face that is made up in a straightforward and consistent manner is called a "complete face"; one that incorporates many diverse elements is referred to as a "fragmented face".

(Min, Peng, 1)

A “complete face” was painted on actors whose character was easily discernable, whether they had respectable intention or were less than trustworthy. Characters with “fragmented faces” displayed to the audience that their nature was fractured and sinister, these often appear on villains.

Jing characters are often considered secondary roles, but they even have their own subdivision dedicated to what skills the character displays. The jing roles often play generals, officials, bandits, or warriors, and each color of face paint and design will designate their character type. The patterns are categorized into types such as the previously mentioned ‘tiled face’ and ‘quartered face’, but also ‘whole face’, ‘six-division face’, ‘lop-sided face’, and ‘tiny-flowered face’. All the colors of the rainbow are used, but red is often the most prominent. Jing characters can also display their performance specialty by the color of their face. To help spectators understand this concept while viewing a performance, tourism specialists at My Beijing China explain how the jing face paint will inform them of their talents:

Dong-Chui (T'ung Ch'uei), better known as Hei Tou (black face), who is good at singing and usually a loyal general; Jia Zi (Chia Tze), who is good at acting, and generally a more complicated character; and Wu Jing, who is mainly proficient in fighting and acrobatics and seldom plays a very prominent role. (MyBeijingChina, 1)

‘Lop-sided’ jing face paint is asymmetrical, and the features are painted on to appear faulty and warped. A designed called ‘fractured’ has evolved from the ‘three-tiled’ face. Reserved for military characters of low rank or wandering warriors, ‘fractured’ face paint for jing is incredibly elaborate and evolved into a style of its own. The number ten in Chinese is a cross shape (十), so the ‘ten’ face design appears much like a cross where the eyes, chin, and forehead will be darkened. ‘Three-tile’ design relies on the use of one base color, while secondary colors define the eyes, mouth, and brows. There is another facial style based on the ‘three-tile’ called the ‘variegated,” which means the makeup style is complex and kaleidoscopic. For a jing’s makeup style to be variegated, the color of the cheeks and forehead must be different. Like the ‘ten’ face, there is also a makeup style based on the Chinese number for six (六). The ‘six’ face is for honorable characters such as generals, government officials, and the elderly. The plainest of jing makeup is ‘solid,’ where everything but the eyebrows is painted a single color. ‘Solid’ faced jing represent the most honorable characters.

The colorings of jing makeup designs also have very special significance. Red represents a morally upright character; it is the color of bravery and loyalty, and pink is reserved for similar characters of an older age. Yellow is reserved for characters that are levelheaded, ardent, and determined. Green face jing characters are impetuous, gruff, and obstinate. Blue-faced characters are shrewd, steady, and fierce. Purple is similar to red and yellow, for he is equally moral, refined, and temperate. Black and white face characters are much more sinister. White-faced jing are cunning, deceitful, and malevolent. Black represents ferociousness and boorish tendencies. Characters who play gods or spirits in Chinese opera will have their faces painted gold or silver. Thus, facial colors immediately provide the audience with valuable information.

The last main character type who a painted face is the chou, or clown character. The chou is a jester-like comedic character who often plays a variety of secondary roles in an opera. While he commonly is slow-witted, peculiar, and amusing, chou can also be fiendish. The roles a chou can play are anywhere from a prince, to a merchant, to a jailer, but there are two subcategories for chou. Wu chou required acrobatic skill, as they are often military or solider characters. Wen chou play types like civil-servants, innkeepers, and scholars. All chou have a very simple face of makeup with a white circle encompassing the nose and eyes, often defined by light rouge. The brows and lips are only slightly defined, as the white portion of the face is meant to be the most prominent aspect. Li notes the symbolic importance of these highly specific makeup practices claiming,

Facial makeups are a special art in Chinese operas, which distinctly show the appearances of different roles as well as their dispositions and moral qualities by means of artistic exaggeration combined with truthful portrayal and symbolism. Facial makeups also serve to express praise or condemnation toward the characters. (Li, 1)

That makeup has the ability to evoke a reaction or inspire a preconceived notion of a character is only a small facet of makeup’s diversity in Chinese opera.

Facial features even have names and styles for characters in Chinese Opera. In her thesis on Chinese Opera Makeup, Hsueh-Fang Liu lists as many as twenty-three kids of eyebrow styles alone. Some styles of eyebrows painted on actors are straightforward in name and meaning, such as ‘Elderly Eyebrows,’ which are painted on old characters to give the appearance of sagging eyelids. ‘Villain Eyebrows’ are another style of brows that, as the self-explanatory name suggests, are painted to look furrowed and treacherous. Other styles have interesting names such as the ‘Reclining Silkworm Eyebrows.’ This particular style is only painted on an actor playing a character from a Chinese folktale named Kuan Yu, because such features are described in the story. ‘Praying Mantis Pincher Eyebrows’ are arched and pointy eyebrows for villainous characters, while ‘Willow Leaf Eyebrows’ are painted on characters who are eunuchs and are much more effeminate than other male characters.

Eyes, mouths, noses, and foreheads have just as much variety as eyebrows in Chinese Opera. Beyond the colors or patterns of set designs for characters, there is deeper meaning in the style of each feature, and educated audience members can identify the personality of a character from just these alone. For example, ‘Kidney Eyes’ are reserved for monk characters, and ‘Ring Eyes’ are designed to look like the large eyes of a panther, rendering the characters vicious and impetuous.

The space on the forehead is used for painting symbols or patterns that have significance. If an actor has a red marking on his forehead, it is assumed that a head injury will be the cause of the character’s death. Other ominous forehead markings are the ‘Long-Life Forehead,’ which incidentally means the character is doomed to a brutal death. ‘True Nature Forehead’ is for characters that are demons and take the disguise of human form; only the marking on their forehead reveals what they truly are.

Noses in Chinese Opera makeup tend to be more complimentary than other features. For example, a ‘Hooked Nose’ is reserved for a forehead pattern called ‘Bat Forehead,’ while ‘Full Nose’ or ‘Villain Nose’ is meant for the villain facial designs. Noses tend to lack significance by themselves, but mouths have more meaning to their shape. Eunuch characters have their own mouth design, called ‘Water Chestnut Mouth.’ The form of the mouth is diminutive and feminine, which is meant to show the eunuch’s lack of masculinity. ‘Tiger Mouth’ is meant for outstanding martial artists and warriors, even though the shape is turned downward like a frown. ‘Fire Brazier Mouth’ is meant for villainous characters; while a ‘Gold Ignot Mouth’ isn’t specifically an evil character yet not a virtuous one either.

Beards are of equal importance in Chinese Opera, as they show social rank or assist in the actor expressing emotions if they are used in gesticulation. A character with a full beard is affluent and authoritative; a mustached character is a discourteous trickster whereas a ‘Three-Part Beard’ appears on upright and dignified characters. Like the colors of the face, the colors of the beard represent temperament as well as age. Red beards are reserved for vicious outlaws, but black, grey, and white beards are for characters up to fifty, sixty, or seventy years old. To express the sentiments of the character, the actor could contemplate by caressing his beard through his fingertips. To initiate combat, a warrior may flick his beard over his shoulder. There are many beard movements in Chinese Opera, and a simple motion could foreshadow future action or how the character feels.

Not only do actors of a Chinese Opera troupe have to be trained in the hundreds of facial makeup styles and meanings of each character’s feature, but also the designing and application process is an art itself. Sophia Delza advises, “The art of face painting (Lien P'u) and make-up (Hua Ch'uang) are to be considered separately as stylistic techniques for "changing the face" (Delza, 6). Thus, considering the process of face painting is as important as the significations of the makeup itself.

Western greasepaint makeup for the theatre often has cold cream as the makeup’s base, but makeup for Chinese opera is not premixed in this fashion. The colors for the actor’s makeup are separated into small containers, usually in powder form, and sit in the dressing room along with palettes, oil, brushes, and wooden applicators. The actors are responsible for their own makeup and are often trained as assistants to veteran actors upon joining the troupe. Actors begin their training within a Chinese Opera troupe as young as eight or nine years old, and their training can last up to ten years before they are ready to perform onstage.

There is a traditional order to the makeup application process that is followed by each actor. To begin, the actor mixes the base color for their face; for some sheng and tan characters, this is a mixture of oil and white powder. For actors who play jing, it is entirely up to the temperament of the characters they are playing in order to choose a color. Application by hand often helps matte the final result of the base coat. The second step in creating the face of the character is painting on the eyebrows, which is also crucial to determining the nature of their part. If a forehead symbol is required for the character they must wait until the eyebrows are painted on, as the eyebrows are the foundation for the rest of the facial design. Next, an actor will either accentuate the eye or begin the designs around the eyes, followed by the nose, mouth, and cheeks.

There is a practice in the Chinese Opera called ‘changing face,’ where an actor makes additions or alters his face between scenes. The reason for this is usually an event in the play that causes a change the character’s circumstance, such as an injury, evil deeds, or death. Some actors learn the art of blowing makeup powder onstage or in the wings, making an immediate and noticeable change to the color of the face. Otherwise, it is mostly aging lines, eyebrow alterations, or black spots to the face that indicate a change. Sophia Delza provides an example of the Changing Face process:

For the Changing Face, an actor must go through a series of experiences, which radically change his behavior and his character. In The White Snake Lady, a snake is transformed into a beautiful girl; due to various events she becomes a haggard old woman. These changes are the result of experiences, not the result of "time." (Delza, 14)

The application process takes place during the opera becomes as significant as each image of the character presented.

The Chinese Opera continues to survive today in The People’s Republic of China, southeast Asian countries such as Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, and in communities of the Chinese Diaspora. Sponsored performances on television, government subsided troupes touring, and cultural presentations at educational centers help keep this spectacular form of theatre alive. I was lucky enough to watch a performance of Chinese Opera in Flushing, NY, as my Theatre professor from Hunter College was performing a lao-sheng character in a production. During a Q&A afterward, he explained that some of their rehearsals and staging were not customary to conventional Chinese Opera. However, their costumes, makeup, and songs were all authentic. While Western styles and techniques may have been added to companies who tour and perform opera, the productions still maintain performances in Mandarin and Cantonese, minimalistic sets, elaborate costumes, and traditional makeup designs. The culminations of thousands of years and decades of training, the makeup of Chinese Opera is unforgettable as each face in a performance tells a story of its own.

Bibliography

Brandon, James R. The Cambridge Guide To Asian Theatre. Manoa, Hawaii: Cambridge Univ Pr, 1999. 26-55. eBook. http://books.google.com/books?id=ttnH5W9qoBAC&lpg=PA28&ots=aDFqCearhM&dq=zaju 1324 mural&pg=PA55

Delza, Sophia. "A Picture of the Art of Face Painting and Make-Up in the Classical Chinese Theatre." Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism . 30.1 (1971): 3-17. Web. 6 Dec. 2011. http://www.jstor.org/stable/429568

"Facial Makeup." China Tour. Yes!ChinaTour, 2008. Web. 6 Dec 2011. http://yeschinatour.com/china-guides/chinese-culture/facial-makeup/

Li, Na. "The facial makeup of chinese opera." Just Landed - Australia Forum. Just Landed, 22 Nov 2011. Web. 7 Dec 2011. http://community.justlanded.com/en/Australia/forum/The-facial-makeup-of-chinese

Liu, Hsueh-Fang. "The Art of facial makeup in Chinese opera." RIT Thesis (1997): n.pag. RIT Digital Media Library Repository. Web. 6 Dec 2011. .

Mackerras, Colin. Chinese Theater, From Its Origins To The Present Day. Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press, 1983. 222. eBook. http://books.google.com/books?id=7fxWKB9jijgC&lpg=PA55&ots=_DmX7Jj4nC&dq=chinese 1324 mural&pg=PA181

Min, Ginny, and Giles Peng. "Performing Arts." Destiny, the Culture of China - Opera. Oracle ThinkQuest, 1998. Web. 7 Dec 2011. http://library.thinkquest.org/20443/opera.html

"Peking Opera." ChinaCulture.org. China Ministry of Culture, 2003. Web. 7 Dec 2011. http://www.chinaculture.org/gb/en_artqa/2003-10/29/content_44014.htm

"Roles in Beijing Opera." My Beijing China. My Beijing China, 2010. Web. 7 Dec 2011. http://www.mybeijingchina.com/travel-guide/beijing-opera/opera-roles.htm

Wichmann, Elizabeth. "Tradition and Innovation in Contemporary Beijing Opera Performance." TDR - The MIT Press. 34.1 (1990): 146-178 . Web. 9 Dec. 2011. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1146013

Paper finished! Being edited before submission!

Here are some pictures of Chinese Opera actors putting makeup on and I've listed what kinds of characters they play.

Tan or Dan character.


Actors becoming Jing characters:




An actor becoming a sheng character:

Bibliography

I'm on page 9 of my paper, and I feel like its going pretty well. Here are a list of sources I'm using:

Bibliography

Brandon, James R. The Cambridge Guide To Asian Theatre. Manoa, Hawaii: Cambridge Univ Pr, 1999. 26-55. eBook. http://books.google.com/books?id=ttnH5W9qoBAC&lpg=PA28&ots=aDFqCearhM&dq=zaju 1324 mural&pg=PA55

Delza, Sophia. "A Picture of the Art of Face Painting and Make-Up in the Classical Chinese Theatre." Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism . 30.1 (1971): 3-17. Web. 6 Dec. 2011. http://www.jstor.org/stable/429568

"Facial Makeup." China Tour. Yes!ChinaTour, 2008. Web. 6 Dec 2011. http://yeschinatour.com/china-guides/chinese-culture/facial-makeup/

Li, Na. "The facial makeup of chinese opera." Just Landed - Australia Forum. Just Landed, 22 Nov 2011. Web. 7 Dec 2011. http://community.justlanded.com/en/Australia/forum/The-facial-makeup-of-chinese

Liu, Hsueh-Fang. "The Art of facial makeup in Chinese opera." RIT Thesis (1997): n.pag. RIT Digital Media Library Repository. Web. 6 Dec 2011. .

Mackerras, Colin. Chinese Theater, From Its Origins To The Present Day. Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press, 1983. 222. eBook. http://books.google.com/books?id=7fxWKB9jijgC&lpg=PA55&ots=_DmX7Jj4nC&dq=chinese 1324 mural&pg=PA181

Min, Ginny, and Giles Peng. "Performing Arts." Destiny, the Culture of China - Opera. Oracle ThinkQuest, 1998. Web. 7 Dec 2011. http://library.thinkquest.org/20443/opera.html

"Peking Opera." ChinaCulture.org. China Ministry of Culture, 2003. Web. 7 Dec 2011. http://www.chinaculture.org/gb/en_artqa/2003-10/29/content_44014.htm

"Roles in Beijing Opera." My Beijing China. My Beijing China, 2010. Web. 7 Dec 2011. http://www.mybeijingchina.com/travel-guide/beijing-opera/opera-roles.htm

Wichmann, Elizabeth. "Tradition and Innovation in Contemporary Beijing Opera Performance." TDR - The MIT Press. 34.1 (1990): 146-178 . Web. 9 Dec. 2011.

http://www.jstor.org/stable/1146013

Preparing for the final paper

So the semester ends on December 23rd, and I have a final paper to complete.

I went to the Natural History Museum last Saturday with a friend, and on the second floor we visited a section on Ancient China. In the case was a diagram of what theatrical faces the Chinese painted on, and they were really cool!

They looked like this:










So while it's been a really great experience learning about why people wear contemporary makeup, my degree is 'Makeup Design in Performance', so I thought it'd be a good idea to end with a paper on a performance aspect of makeup.

There are a few good articles on JSTOR, including one called:
A Picture of the Art of Face Painting and Make-Up in the Classical Chinese Theatre by Sophia Delza.

There are also a couple good online resources I found dedicated to this kind of makeup:
http://yeschinatour.com/china-guides/chinese-culture/facial-makeup/

Hopefully, I'll find at least six good sources to do this paper.

Video Project for Makeup and Anthropology

So I had originally planned something larger-scale. I had hoped to interview many women of different demographics to pull together a well-rounded video about makeup use, and why women put on makeup.
Somehow, scheduling just never lined up with a lot of my international interviewees, and I had a few local people drop out of the interview line-up.

I ended up interviewing 3 of my coworkers; Georgi, Anna, and Elizabeth. I also interviewed my roommate, Lindsay, and a high school friends living in Maine named Lisa.

I originally started out using Photobooth for Mac to interview people, but I began to discover that it stopped recording interviews halfway through the process, which is why I have practically no footage of Anna or Lindsay towards the end.

This was my first video editing project, so it is a bit rough around the edges in terms of quality. I also discovered the video quality drops immensely when you export it in .m4a format, turning it into a pixel mess. I also noticed the title screen for "What is unappealing about makeup?" reverted to it's original format that says 'title screen' I'll have to fix that and reformat the video.



I didn't intend for the film to have a specific thesis, simply for it to be exploratory of why a few women my age either find it to be necessary or unnecessary to wear makeup. I simply wanted to know their thoughts on why certain makeup influences were there, what they liked or disliked about makeup, and if they think it's an important element to a woman's life.

Jessica Simpson's'The Price of Beauty': Paris, France

For the second episode, Jessica and her traveling companions went to Paris. After they landed they met at a cafe with their beauty guide, who is a French model named Rosemary Bartilla. She began her career in fashion at 13, and explained that the modeling contracts are very strict in France. The models have a max weight of 115lbs, and are measured everyday. During this conversation, the waiter was bringing out quiches, salads, and croissants, and Rosemary pointed out a model would never be allowed to eat any of it but small bits of salad. Then Jessica asked Rosemary what makes French women beautiful, and she responded by saying that a woman's joie de vivre, or joy of life is what makes her beautiful.



Jessica, Ken, and CaCee continued their tradition of going to a spa, but this time they went to a wine spa. They underwent massages where they were rolled out like dough, with a wooden roller made from the same wood a wine barrel comes from. They were massaged with grape-seed/wine scrub, and actual grapes, while Kevin floated in a bath of wine infused water. The French spa employees explained each health benefits of the treatments, and how wine is actually quite healthy.

Afterward they met with an ex-model named Isabelle Caro, who is famous for the anti-anorexia ads that were posted in Milan during fashion week. Through a translator, Isabelle explained to Jessica, CaCee, and Ken that she developed a fear of eating because of the pressure to stay skinny as a model. Her doctors proclaimed she would pass away from the disorder, but she survived. While receiving treatment, she is relearning how to eat, and she began an organization to bring awareness to eating disorders.


Jessica was invited to walk the runway for a show by a French designer. Upon arriving at the venue, she's looked up and down by the art director Alexandra Senes, who makes a point of belittling her from the get go. Jessica is giving a crash course in walking for the runway, then is sewn into a dress and has to walk down the runway during the show. She talked about how intimidating it was to be a bigger American amongst all the skinny French models backstage, and how she didn't belong there.


The next day they were photographed at a shoot near the Eiffel tower, where they meet Johanna Dray, France's first plus-sized model. Breaking into a snobbish industry, in Paris of all places, is an amazing feat, and before the episode closes they discuss with all the models on set what they think makes women beautiful.


They all respond that your 'love of life' is what makes you beautiful.

Jessica Simpson's'The Price of Beauty': Thailand

A friend recommend watching this 8-part series to get a better understanding on beauty and makeup in other cultures.

In the introduction of the first episode, Jessica Simpson explains that the purpose for her journey is to find out what each culture's definition of beauty is, and why it's so important for women to reach for these ideals. While acting as the host and the guide for the show, she confesses that her intent of the journey is mostly catharsis for the pressure she feels to be beautiful.

The first episode was about Thailand. Jessica travels with her two friends Ken (her stylist, makeup artist, and hairdresser) and CaCee, and when they land they get a Thai massage. While you are a little bit disappointed they show up at a spa first thing, they explain that the massage is actually quite vigorous and was recommended to them by Thai women because it improves circulation.

Their beauty ambassador to Thailand was model and television personality Sonia Couling. She takes them to a Thai marketplace where she shows them clothes Thai women wear, types of jewelry that are common, and they stop at a fortune teller's booth to have fortunes told (because apparently it's popular with women).

They go to a Thai delicatessen stall, where they are shown a variety of fried insects such as fried worms, crickets and cockroaches. While Jessica and her friends are busy freaking out, a pop up on the screen explains insects are high in amino acids which help with skin, nails, and hair. Sonia Couling also explains that consuming them helps you burn fat and detox. Despite the promise of speeding up the metabolism, Jessica begins dry heaving at the stall.
All three of them grab a fried insect (looked like a grub) and try to chew and swallow. They all begin dry heaving and make a huge scene while Thai citizens walk by staring at them.

They finally move on to beauty products, and Sonia takes them to a cosmetic stall where she begins by saying Thai women want to be fair as possible. Amongst the blush, and eye pencils are whitening creams, and Sonia informs them that being tan is considered low-class in Thailand and that the paler Thai people are associated with money.
A reoccurring theme I've noticed in my reading popped up again in this show, when Sonia said that the tan people are associated with working in the sun, which seems to be the basis of judgement on class in many other cultures.
Even the foundations being sold at the stall have whiteners in them, therefore are dangerous to use over time. Sonia announces they are to meet a friend of hers in the cafe nearby who had her skin destroyed by skin whiteners. The woman they are introduced to, Panya, was a singer in a nightclub who had wanted to whiten her face, and by using a product recommended by a friend, the darker layers of skin began to peel off and reveal a lighter shade. Eventually the sun exposure caused burns on her face, and she had huge bleach marks on her face with discolored spots of darker areas. Panya no longer sang as she was scared to go out in public, and her husband left her after the damage was done. Cosmetic production and ingredients are not overseen or regulated in Thailand.

By the end everyone is in tears, and Jessica stoops down to give her an awkward hug, telling her to keep singing despite the discoloration on her face.

Afterward, Jessica, CaCee, and Ken climb into a tuk-tuk (a tiny mini cab in Thailand) and head to a Buddhist monastery. Because most of Thailand is Buddhist, they wanted to know how their religion views beauty and inner beauty. The monk said inner beauty comes from meditation, and during a 40 minute meditation process, Jessica begins to fidget and giggle.

They leave Bangkok for the Chaing Rai Provence of Thailand, to visit a tribe called the Karen (Kariang). The women wear stacks of gold rings around their necks that stretch and elongate the neck. A similar practice is also done with the Padaung women of Burma. The elongated neck is a symbol of wealth and beauty, and betters a woman's prospects of finding a husband.

Putting on the rings is voluntary, and women may put rings on as young as 6 years old or never put on rings at all. The rings can weigh as much as twenty pounds and it can crush down on the shoulders and ribs.
They stay for an evening celebration of a 6 year old girl, named Chum Chum, who has asked her mother to put the rings on her. The little girl sits patiently as these long gold rings become smaller and interlock on her neck. After she is finished, their beauty ambassador offers to make up Jessica and CaCee in the same traditional garb.

They put on necklaces with a front of faux-rings that simply ties in the back, but they can still feel the weight on the front. They even put them on Ken, even though they don't traditional garb men in this way, so all the village women laugh as he's adorned with a necklace of fake rings and headdress.
The women of the village sit and play traditional music on small guitars as everyone eats a freshly slaughtered and barbequed pig, with traditional sides like frogs.
They leave the feast and say goodbye to the villagers with an immense sense of respect for Thailand's culture and sense of tradition.

The video can be watched here:
http://www.vh1.com/video/jessica-simpsons-the-price-of-beauty/full-episodes/thailand/1633795/playlist.jhtml

Self-awareness in public and the use of makeup

Lynn Carol Miller from Northern Illinois University and Cathryn Leigh Cox from the University of Texas at Austin completed a study they titled; "For Appearances Sake: Public Self-Consciousness and Makeup Use".

Their study looked at how women perceived themselves in public, and the connection with women using makeup. The purpose of the study wasn't to look at if women who wore makeup were perceived as more attractive, but how women assumed they looked to the public, and in turn how it affected them as individuals.

They interviewed undergraduate women, and gave them tests on their public self-consciousness, and accumulating data to see who was more aware of themselves in public and who wasn't. They also photographed a Polaroid of each woman, to show to a control group of women outside the group taking the text.

What they determined is that the women who were more conscious of their appearance in public, tended to put on more makeup. Additionally, the outside group rated the photographs of women, rating them for the self confidence they perceived them to have.
More importantly, they asked the women in the study to rate how they felt themselves when they were wearing makeup.

The last measure was a self-report of attitudes and feelings about makeup. It consisted on seven items: (1) I feel that makeup enhances my appearance. (2) I am more self-confident when I wear makeup. (3) I am more outgoing when I wear makeup. (4) People react more positively to me when I wear makeup. (5) Men pay more attention to me when I wear makeup. (6) I flirt more when I'm wearing makeup. (7) I feel my interactions with others go more smoothly when I'm wearing makeup. (Cox and Miller, 6)

The women who rated the photographs tended to determine the women with certain amounts of makeup as having more confidence than the women who did not wear makeup. Additionally, the individuals who completed the study gave information that the makeup-wearing women felt their social interactions were improved while wearing cosmetics.

This seemed to be a combination of a few factors;

-People tend to be attracted more to people with higher self-confidence.
-The women who liked to wear makeup felt that they had improved their general appearance through the use of cosmetics.
- The women who were aware of how others would perceive them, felt it was important to look and feel good about themselves.

The photographs of the women ended up informing others with an idea of how the subjects viewed themselves.

I understand this concept, as I've been reading a lot about women in the workplace and the pressures to be wearing makeup. I also understand it personally, as I've had people treat me differently outside the home when I do not wear makeup.

What I've concluded is, is that cosmetics have always been used for this purpose. Whether it was herbal face creams and perfumed waters, or a tube of lipstick, throughout history people have been trying to improve their appearances to 1) make them feel better about their appearance, and 2) have others regard them and respect them.

Do I think we have grown more accustomed to seeing people with more makeup over time? Yes, I believe that's inevitable since the industry and media has grown exponentially, and our society reflects that.

What I do think has been around since the beginning of time, is how people judge a book by it's cover. I think humans need to identify things/places/people in their brain upon seeing them, therefore I think we've always taken each others appearance to heart. Maybe that's why we've all been trying to 'improve' ourselves over time?

Works used:
Cox, Cathryn Lee, and Lynn Carol Miller. "For Appearances Sake: Public Self-Consciousness and Makeup Use."
Pers Soc Psychol Bull 1982 8: 748
DOI: 10.1177/0146167282084023
http://psp.sagepub.com/content/8/4/748

Middle class Japanese women and the use of pale foundation

In 'Urban Middle-Class Japanese Women and Their White Faces: Gender, Ideology, and Representation' by Mikiko Ashikari, I have been reading about how middle-class Japanese housewives and working women cover their face in paler shades of foundation when they leave the house.

The author conducted several interviews with these women, and a smaller selection of men to gain perspective on why it is customary to wear pale foundation when outside the house.

There was a spectrum of women interviewed in the middle class. Most of them were homemakers who were married to a 'salary man', a white collar worker. However, some of the women were single mothers, housewives employed at part time jobs, others were office workers. The author made a point of addressing that each woman had their own unique sense of style and personal identity, but each felt it was their social role to put on foundation before appearing outside the house. 'Gender Ideology' comes up a lot in the article, and how there's an expectation for women to embody the cultural definition of femininity, and men to embody the Japanese perception of masculinity.

Where did the white face makeup come from? Prior to 1868, men and women of nobility would powder their faces white to signify social standing. Once Western culture began to have a sway on Japan, men were encouraged by the government to cut off their top-knot hairstyle, adopt western haircuts/clothing, and no longer powder their faces. Because the men were responsible for learning about Western culture and adapting it, Japanese women were banned from wearing short hairstyles, and were pressured to maintain the culture of dress and manners that belonged to Japan.



What was once a look for nobility (specifically the women who belonged to the caste of the Samurai), was now applied to women of all social spectrum's.
Compulsory education was introduced, and at school. girls of all classes were educated to believe that the feminine virtues of middle-class women were among the most important qualifications for a good Japanese national. (Ashikari, 9 )

From 1912-1926, varieties of Western fashion became available to the middle-class, as a result the kimono, which was iconic of middle-class women, now came to represent Japanese culture as a whole. The traditional hairstyles and white makeup only appeared during special occasions, and Western makeup application gradually became more common, thus use of translucent white powders instead of the lead based white powder that was traditionally used. The lines between the classes also blurred when middle-class women began to join the workforce, but the need to distinguish between the "good wives and wise mothers" and the working girls remained.

The Western styles of makeup using fasle eyelashes, eyeliner and eyeshadow, were fine for girls working in bars, as hostesses, and show business professions. However, it was not considered appropriate for the middle class woman.
There was a certain style of makeup that made all women look like katei-fujin, proper housewives. [...] This everyday white face, which was separated form the traditional white face, came to serve as a symbol of the traditional ideal feminine virtues in everyday life, as the traditional face did on the special formal occasions in women's lives. (Ashikari, 11)
Coming of age ceremonies, weddings, and other special occasions were appropriate for the completely white face of the Meiji era. Skin-tone shades of foundation grew in popularity after WWII, but the concept of the pale face representing the gentler sex in Japanese society remained the same.



Ashikari used research on Western women's makeup habits, resulting in a general consensus that Western women used makeup for self satisfaction by improving their looks, and to impress or fit in with their peers. On the contrary, Japanese women continue to use foundation because it is considered 'right' or 'normal'. Unlike Western women, Japanese women do not buy and apply as much lipstick and eye makeup, yet foundation is essential. "For most mature middle-class Japanese women, 'making up' actually means putting on foundation (Ashikari, 12)"

The Japanese foundations come in multiple undertones, and coupled with certain skin tones they'll wipe out the coloring of the face. The paled face of a woman has become ingrained in Japanese culture as symbolism for feminine virtue, to the point where it feels abnormal to some of the women to leave the house without foundation on. A few of the working women in the study confessed they were approached by male superiors at work and were berated for not wearing make up.
It's considered rude by Japanese standards for mature women to go out in public without being made up, because it rejects traditional values of femininity in their culture. Only outlandish or eccentric women go without makeup, and those who conform to the traditions are being 'polite' to everyone they meet outside their house.



On the other hand, if a woman presents a "feminine" made-up white face, this means she is being polite and respectful toward the people she meets, especially the men. Presenting the white face is to represent certain gender relations that middle-class women are expected to and willing to play their part in. (Ashikari, 13)

The Japanese words for inside/home "uchi", and going out/outside "soto", are reoccurring in the article. Many women do not wear makeup at home, and its not apart of the housewife's gender requirements to wear it while at home. The expressions "uchi" and "soto" are often coupled with referring to gender roles. Women who work with their husbands on farm or running a business have equal responsibility of pulling in income, however, those who are married to 'salary men' have the luxury of running the home and relying on their husband's income. The dependency of their gender is considered more feminine, and the pale complexion expresses this feminine virtuosity.

There are negative connotations to the housewife image, though. 'Shufu' is a term that directly translates at 'housewife' in English, but has a connotation of laziness. While men are working hard out in the world for a company, the media often depicts housewives as lazy whose form of employment is an undeserved luxury. In fact, there is a pattern women are expected to follow; to go to university, to get a job in an office as a worker, meet a man and get married thus becoming a housewife.
The women are often not given credit for their accomplishments in their education, their work ethic while employed, or the time and difficulties it's taken to achieve their status as a middle-class house wife. Women are often interpreted as incapable or incompetent by Japanese males, and women who have careers (and not husbands) are undesirable for marriage. These stereotypes are continually perpetuated by the media, by women, and men.

Top executives very likely only know women as their wives or those who wait upon them including women staff members. Women as equal work partners is a concept beyond their familiar world. A Japan Labor Institute survey of men conducted in 1991 revealed that the most common view of women colleagues is as "considerate supporters." The same survey showed that only 26% of men regard women as "able partners." An amazing 15% said they have no particular impression of women whatsoever. (Iwao, 1)



When the article was written in the 1990's, it was still unlikely that a woman was able to become a doctor, a lawyer, or a 'salary man' herself without being perceived as having lost her femininity. Discrimination in the workplace continues as women grow older, and it's greatly difficult to women to find employment after their 30's. The whole thing is a catch 22, because men in companies cannot take women seriously in the workplace, knowing they'll quit after they're married. Working women can't take their job seriously, knowing the company will anticipate them quitting in order to get married.

The journal article continues on to say that men need to recognize that women's subordination to men is voluntary, and that having an attractive or visually-pleasing housewife helps the salary's man's social standing and masculinity.

Encountering a woman who isn't wearing makeup makes men uneasy, as if she will instigate a conflict or challenge their social norms. They feel at ease when women put effort into their appearance, because they're upholding their gender roles, thus making society easier to navigate. 'Wild women' are described by the female interviewees as women who have an overt sexuality to their appearance. Tanned skin, large breasts, athletic body, curly hair or long hair, all are elements of a 'wild woman', meanwhile the pale, demure, pure, and inexperienced behaviors of 'cute' women are more in tune with traditional Japanese gender roles of submissive women. Women who tan themselves during the summer will continue to wear paler shades of foundation at the office, because they know that appearing at work with a tan would appear disrespectful. Appearing ambitious or smart in the office is also considered disrespectful towards their male coworkers.

Much of the article was really difficult for me to process, since I have a Western perspective. The closest I could relate it to possibly the experiences of women battling sexism in the workplace after World War II in the US.
In the last article I read, there were many viewpoints on why women chose to wear makeup in public/at work, and why some chose not to. I think the major similarities is that there is a social obligation to be feminine in both cultures, and that it seems to make interactions with male coworkers smoother if the woman is wearing makeup. So gender ideologies are still at play in both cultures.
Maybe the differences is that, the Japanese feel that they're trying to preserve their culture, while America's identity as a country and our sense of values constantly is evolving. I think as the more Westernized, younger generations of Japanese kids grow up, there is a possibility that the strict lines between gender will fade.

Younger Japanese women seem to be very interested in Western beauty and fashion, all the while making it an identity of their own, therefore my prediction is that the whitening of the face with light foundation will grow out of style. I think Japanese women will always appreciate being feminine, but they'll express it in ways less apparent than a pale mask of obedience.

References used:

Mikiko Ashikari
Urban Middle-Class Japanese Women and Their White Faces: Gender, Ideology, and Representation
Ethos
Vol. 31, No. 1 (Mar., 2003), pp. 3-37 Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological Association http://www.jstor.org/stable/3651863

Iwao, Sumiko. "The New Lifestyles of Japanese Women." Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Japan. Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Japan, 09 1996. Web. 3 Nov 2011. http://www.mofa.go.jp/j_info/japan/opinion/iwao.html

Makeup and the Workplace

Taking the suggestion to check out some articles on JSTOR, I found an article titled: "Makeup at Work: Negotiating Appearance Rules in the Workplace", by Kristen Dellinger and Christine L. Williams.

The main question of the article is, why do women wear make up to work? There are positive elements to make up at work; people who are perceived as 'more-attractive' often can advance further in their career, as appearance-based judgements in their favor will open up opportunities. Additionally, it gives women a sense of confidence having a 'professional' and 'polished' appearance in the workplace. There are downsides as well; women often find they are not taken seriously by male coworkers when displaying a feminine appearance. Additionally, if a woman chooses not to wear makeup her femininity and sexuality are questioned, and regardless of her ability to complete a job she'll be judged on appearance.

Dellinger discusses the theories of a few feminist writers, and their worry that women are duped by the misconception that makeup (and cosmetic surgery) are empowering, when in reality women are still placating to a male conception of beauty.

The study used to complete this article included twenty women, from a variety of ethnic, economic, and sexual backgrounds. They were asked a variety of questions, mainly on their feelings regarding makeup in of itself, dress code and appearance in the workplace, the responses they've gotten from their coworkers about their appearance (with or without makeup), and if they've experienced any negative outcomes from makeup in the workplace.

During the interviews for the study, it was made clear there was no dress code requiring makeup at any of the locations where the women worked. For some women, the process of putting on makeup was habit, a process that they underwent each morning before work without much thought. Some only chose to wear makeup when it suited them, and then others did not wear makeup at all. What most of the women experienced, regardless of their makeup practices, was the women who wore makeup to work were viewed as having a healthy appearance, were heterosexual/feminine, and were 'credible'.

One of the women who chose makeup occasionally, said she received remarks about her appearance when she would arrive at work without makeup. Comments about how she looked ill or tired, and in turn the comments would make her self-conscious about her appearance. A similar experience happened with an older woman who was interviewed. Because of the comments about her appearance when not wearing eyeliner, she began to make a conscious choice to wear makeup everyday. Two other women, a DJ and a massage therapist, talked about how their appearance is what makes them convincing and authoritative in their professions. To not wear makeup would mean not being taken seriously.

Thus, women who regularly wear makeup to work and do not wear it for some reason on a particular day receive extremely positive comments about their appearance on occasions when they did wear it. (Dellinger and Williams, 157)

In that way, women are using makeup as a mask or a facade to appeal to the standards of the world once they are outside their homes. One of the women interviewed, who was a homemaker, felt the need to put on mascara and lipstick when running errands so she didn't appear homely when she went out. In this particular case, the homemaker was Taiwanese and she felt that the use of mascara give her more Caucasian features.

This brings us back to the standards of beauty that all the women who use makeup are trying to achieve. Dellinger points out that "Cultural images of healthy, energetic, and successful working women are, for the most part, young, white or Anglo-featured, thin, and made-up" (159).

Another cultural perception is that women are all (or should be heterosexual). Four of the twenty women identified themselves as lesbian, and there seemed to be a general idea that a tomboyish appearance was not feminine, thus if they did not appeal to the sexuality of their gender they were not considered professional.

One of the straight women earlier interviewed mentioned being present while her husband interacted with a new hire for his company, and regardless of her intelligence and capabilities, he was considering letting the new hire go for not 'taking care of her appearance'.

The first of the lesbian women, a social worker, did not wear makeup at work because her office environment was more lax. Still she received comments from her coworkers about improvements to her appearance, that way she may be taken more seriously. However, she's more concerned that her being single and less outwardly feminine in her style might peg her as a lesbian at work, and at the time she was not prepared to 'come out' to her office. (This was in the 1990's.) The other two women who were lesbian, a copywriter and a lawyer, both choose to wear makeup as they find it easier to interact with their male coworkers and blend in with the other women. Once again, their credibility as professionals isn't questioned because they conform to the standards.

So while they are not dressing a certain way and putting on makeup to appeal to men specifically, they have to conform to ideas of female sexuality that were instilled in the workplace by men. The social worker listed 2 other jobs she held/applied for, a waitress and a dance instructor, where her lack of makeup and feminine appearance cost her the position.
The last lesbian did not feel the need to wear makeup at work, because she worked at a print shop where the dress code was lax and she was 'out' to her coworkers. She suspected many of her male coworkers just assumed that her lack of makeup was apart of being 'lesbian' .

In the section of the article that discusses credibility, it seems that women are faced with the idea that if you are not pleasing to look at you are not valid. A beautician that was interviewed said a nice hairstyle and makeup is essential to convince her clientele she is legitimate as a beauty consultant. The lesbian lawyer noticed that women in court who do not wear makeup are not received very well, so she took to wearing makeup to maintain being competitive in a male-dominated field.

Race and age are also considered, the sexual objectification of a young white woman is still the beauty standard in the United States, but only applicable to certain kinds of professions. Youth can also connote inexperience, so some teachers and lawyers interviewed explained that to appear too young will also jeopardize their credibility.

When it comes to youthful appearance and status, women must negotiate societal standards of beauty, the demands of their particular workplace and occupation, and the difficult task of trying not to look like they are trying to look too young. (Dellinger and Williams, 167)

The last portion of 'Makeup and the Workplace' is how women try to make the use of makeup their own choice and iconic of being a woman, despite the male-based demands in the work environment. Many of the women discussed makeup and cosmetics with their female coworkers, that they often go shopping for makeup with friends, and that such conversations form bonds with other women. Other women in the study disagreed, that discussing makeup or suggesting beauty tips could also be detrimental to one's self confidence, much like the remarks about their appearance at work.

For some of the women, makeup was a personalized beauty regiment that was pampering when they were alone. Other wore makeup to work, and then simply did not think about it the rest of the time. During the study, it seemed the majority of women wore makeup for pleasure and not to undermine the gender roles imposed in the workplace.

In closing it seems that most of the reasons women whose to wear makeup were sociological, economical, and psychological. In order to advance economically, they had to conform to society's beauty standards. However, it is the beauty standards themselves that made women feel inadequate and require makeup in the first place.

I've definitely felt pressure to wear makeup at work before. When I was a waitress, and did not have time to put on makeup before my shift, I noticed people were quicker to dismiss me conversationally and would be less warm during interactions. The same is when I've worked at retail jobs, customers - men in particular, are less inclined to interact with you. However, when I've been wearing a full face of makeup, they're much more relaxed about being assisted.
My sister and I once experimented with this idea when we went out ourselves. One of us would wear no makeup while the other would wear the whole 9-yards, most often the made up individual would receive more attention. We even experimented with glasses, and we found that women wearing glasses often were ignored in a similar way.

Works cited:
Makeup at Work: Negotiating Appearance Rules in the Workplace
Kirsten Dellinger, Christine L. Williams
Gender and Society
Vol. 11, No. 2 (Apr., 1997), pp. 151-177
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/190541

Chapter 2: Restoration of Behavior (POST IN PROGRESS)

Chapter two mainly covered the documentation and recreation of ritual. Between all the confusing diagrams, restorative behavior was discussed in terms of authenticity.

Restorative behavior is representational and a reflection on previous situations, people, and emotions. Many of these can be expected behaviors based on cultural prefrences, the shy bride on her wedding day is an example in western culture of said expected restorative behavior. The unwavering emotions of a boy undergoing tribal innitiation rights, even the passion of Christ play is an example of restorative behavior.

The chapter was trying to examine the authenticity of theatrical anthropology; when the rituals, environments, and stories are retold overtime by different generations (or different perspectives) are the recreations of the theatrical performances genuine?

To explain how we try to recreate an 'authentic' experience, but adjust it to fit to contemporary society, Schechner first used the example of widelife parks that we create. We try to replicate the environment of the wildlife in the park with folliage and terrane, yet we'll include technological implementations of touring monorails, concession stands, and souvenir shops. The animals did not eat their natural diet, nor did they exist in an environment that was habitual to them, but the brochures to the park prided itself on the "genuineness".

To connect this example to theatre, the religious sect of Shakers is mentioned. The Shakers no longer exist, as their religious beliefs excluded marriage and reproduction. When they were in their prime, they were famous for their form of worship of synchronized dance performances and song. There was little to no documentation of Shaker dancing, except for drawings or paintings from the 19th century that create a romanticised portrait of the Shakers.
It was based on these images that choreographer Doris Humphrey created her piece 1938 piece The Shakers. While some of the performance elements to the piece attribute to Shaker culture, there is no guarantee of authenticity to Humphrey's interpretation of what Shaker dancing was like. However, her piece became the go-to reference for what Shaker dancing was like despite no real connection to their culture. Because her piece was recorded through Laban notation, it could be reacreated by any performance troupe and further preserve a piece that is not authentic.

Dance scholar Maricia Siegel told me that after The Shakers people regarded Humphrey as an authority on Shakers; she recieved letters concerning them and her advice was solicited. But it wasn't until 1955 that Humphrey even met a Shaker. (Schechner, 47)

Authenticity on historical events, the theatrical interpretation, and restorative behavior is also mentioned in the practices of the villagers of Magendo in Papua New Guinea. There is a bird dance performance based on the death of a boy named Wok. Whether the boy actually existed, or if he only survives in folklore is up for speculation. But the story of a boy killed by a spirit (or angry uncle) for entering a tribal temple that was reserved for innitiated members, evolved into a mythology attributing the tribes achievements/advancements to the spirit of the deceased boy.

The theatrical representation of this story is a tribal performance of male and female combined choreoraphy, mimicking the movements of birds to embody the lamentations and mournings of Wok's mother. The performance is not an exact retelling of how Wok was killed, but an example of restorative behavior and how it shaped their culture.

Also mentioned was the 1980's documentary Altar of Fire, which documented the 1975 performance of an 3,000 year old Indian rite in Kerala called agnicayana. It appears the main purpose and funding of documenting these rites was to record and preserve a dying tradition, yet everything about the filming's process was criticized for making the experience unauthentic. Having a filmcrew present in the area drew in more visitors and tourists, who often interfered with the ceremonies and footage when they wandered in. Additionally, having it documented on film catagorized it more as a performance for viewers than a ritualistic practice.
Despite being an essential part of the agnicayana, the fight involving goats that could not be filmed due to the nature of the violence, and the sensitivity of the film's potential audience.

When people want to see the agnicayana they will not go to Kerala (where it may not be performed again), they will rent Altar of Fire. [...] Theories will be built on items extrapolated from strips of restored behavior. (Schechner, 63)

Makeup and Mask in Chapter One

Lani Barry

Anthropology in Makeup and Mask

Between Theater & Anthropology

Chapter one – Points of Contact

Richard Schechner describes two types of theatre, Japanese Noh and the Deer Dance rituals of the Yaqui Indians, which seem unrelated considering the distance between the places of origin. However, Schechner uses two aspects of these different theatres to show how they could be related.

Structurally they have similar ritualistic elements to them. With Japanese Noh theatre we know of the Jo-Ha-Kyu arrangement that slowly builds tension to the sudden rush and climax of the play’s story. Noh does not require a resolution to the conflict of the story, but it could simply repeat the aforementioned pattern. While watching the Yaqui Indians, they displayed a similar structured pattern to their performance. The Pascola dancers, who represent demons or spiritual beings, and the main Deer Dancer all have specific points of entry into the performance and designated points of interaction. These interactions all develop on a gradual tension building, until the interactions of the dancers pinnacles, resulting in the Deer Dancer to end the performance in solo before an abrupt end.

What we have is my application of a Japanese theory of aesthetics to a Native American drama. (Schechner, 13)

The transformative powers of mask were also a correlation Schechner made when discussing the Yaqui and Noh. The headdress of the Deer Dancer sits atop their own head without obscuring the face, yet the head and antlers of the deer compile the headdress itself. The result is an interpretation of a creature not completely a deer, and not wholly human. The mask gives the performer the ability to embody the character, such as a deer, yet still reveal enough of themselves to translate the character as they wish. Noh drama was described similarly as the face of the Shite actor is exposed beneath the smaller mask of his character.

It isn’t that a performer stops being himself or herself when he or she becomes another – multiple selves coexist in an unresolved dialectical tension. (Schechner, 8)

Later the book goes on to discuss how preparation for a performance can be considered part of the ritual. When looking at Indian theatre such as Kuttiyatam or Kathakali, the 2 hour process of putting on the elaborate make up is considered essential training to becoming your character and preparing for the performance. In the Indian tradition of Ramlila, the theatrical retelling of the Ramayana, the young boys who play the key roles of Rama, Sita, and Hanuman are carried to their dressing rooms once they leave the stage. While still in full costume, they embody the characters they play, and to have their feet touch the ground is desecration.

The other aspects of a performance, such as rehearsal and cool-down are looked at. Rehearsals occur in customary forms of Asian theatre in Japan and India, however, because the characters are so well established in tradition it isn’t considered to be as vital as in western theatre.

In Euro-American theatre it is not so important that an artist be shaped to conform to a particular set of performative expectations already laid down by tradition. (Schechner, 20)

Cool down traditions vary by culture. While actors may be fed or go to temple after a performance in India, Western theatre traditions have enabled actors to come mingle with the audiences after a performance. The stage space is still considered sacred as audience members are not allowed to go backstage unless given a tour before or after the performance.

During the conclusion of chapter one, Schechner evaluates how our theatrical traditions are passed down. Cultures with an oral tradition revere their Gurus and scholars who maintain the traditions and practices of their theatre, like living historians. However, he continues on to look at how international study and workshops of theatre between genres introduce new concepts to each culture. We can adapt each other’s traditions and give our theatrical practices new ideas borrowed from other cultures. Grotowski’s name comes up a lot in the chapter, especially towards the section on blending theatrical traditions, as he integrated international techniques into his Western theatre practices in the 1970’s.

Whatever the theatrical tradition is, it appears that in Western, Asian, or Indian cultures, the preparation of becoming a character is linked with the application of makeup or mask. Once in makeup or mask the actor becomes an embodiment of the character he represents, yet the actor is still appreciated for their interpretation. They are to not lose their grounding as a performer by becoming personified in the role, hence the full or partial exposure of the face during a performance.

The removal of the mask and makeup is also essential to exiting the role and performance, as Western actors are to not interact with audiences once they are out of costume (character), and Indian/Asian theatrical practices encourage the same.

Citations:

Schechner, Richard. Between Theater & Anthropology . Philadelphia: University of Pennslyvania Press, 1985. 8-20. Print.